How America’s Latest Sports Obsession Joined the 2024 Presidential Ticket
Forget small-town canvassing and state fair soapboxes, presidential nominees turned to Formula 1 to garner support this election season
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Sports are often thought of as a reprieve from politics. Here is your reminder that the two walk hand-in-hand.
It was muggy in Miami over the first weekend in May. The black tarmac race track, reaching 139 degrees, did little to suppress the heat and dry the beads of sweat sliding down the necks of Formula 1’s 20 drivers. The Miami Dolphins Stadium, doubling as teams’ hospitality suites for the weekend, bled its aqua-blue colors onto each of the circuit’s 19 turns. But all anyone could see was red.
Before Donald Trump stepped foot on the track, his name curled around race organizers’ tongues. One day before drivers arrived in South Florida, the Miami Grand Prix sent a cease and desist letter to Steve Witkoff, a Trump associate, for allegedly planning to host a $250,000 per ticket campaign fundraiser in a circuit suite.
On Sunday and amid a hush-money trail, Trump’s arrival meant more than the typical slew of celebrities dotting F1’s trackside VIP lounges. Just 70 miles from his home in Mar-a-Lago, the candidate who went on to win the 2024 presidential election on Tuesday stood on a national campaign stage as a record 3.1 million Americans tuned into the race and a sea of supporters chanted “USA!” from the grandstands.
The Miami Grand Prix, one of three current American races on the 10-month calendar, acted as the start of the Formula 1 presidential election campaign trail: Stopping in Austin, Texas, two weeks before election day and racing a victory lap down the Strip come late November during the Las Vegas Grand Prix.
All three states that Formula 1 visits bled crimson red as the polls closed and votes were tallied.
The First Domino
Lando Norris was the first domino that fell. The 24-year-old British driver has likely never had to think about American politics. But when he shook Trump’s hand in Miami—sporting a permanent smile after his maiden Formula 1 race win—he unknowingly positioned himself alongside the presidential candidate’s policies. An online firestorm followed.
But for Trump, the friendly encounter opened up a potential audience: Norris’ fanbase of young women and men; girls and boys; frat bros, gamers and chronically online teenagers. All, vitally, young and impressionable American voters. Despite an unprecedented number of female fans, Formula 1’s audience is still majority male, with an average age of 32—the youngest fanbase among major U.S. sports. The sport’s fastest-growing demographic is 16 to 39-year-olds, with many becoming fans via online platforms. In the 2024 election, 47 percent of men aged 18 to 29 voted for Trump, according to NBC’s exit polls, and political analysts blamed social media for fostering young, right-wing voters.
In Miami, McLaren was quick to defend Trump’s visit to the pit lane, deeming the race team apolitical in a statement that read: “McLaren is a non-political organization however we recognize and respect the office of President of the United States. So when the request was made to visit our garage on race day we accepted alongside the president of the FIA and the CEO’s of Liberty Media and Formula 1. We were honored that McLaren Racing was chosen as the representative of F1 which gave us the opportunity to showcase the world-class engineering that we bring to motorsport.”
In the post-race press conference, Norris called meeting Trump an “honor.”
“Whenever you have someone like this, it has to be an honor for them to come up to you, to take time out of their life, to pay their respect for what you've done,” Norris said. “He said he was my lucky charm because it's my win. So I don't know if he's going to come to more races now. But yeah, there's a lot of special people or cool people that have been here this weekend. Donald is someone that you got to have a lot of respect for in many ways.”
Five months later, the team opened its garage doors to Joe Rogan in Austin.
On Wednesday, The Telegraph published an article titled “This is Joe Rogan’s America Now,” arguing that Trump’s presidential victory fell into Rogan’s hands after hosting him on his podcast. The same journalist, politics writer Poppy Coburn, predicted in late October that the podcast interview between Rogan and Trump would be a decider in the presidential election. The Joe Rogan Experience has 14.5 million Spotify followers and Rogan’s first two episodes amassed 100 million listens combined.
The podcast host became one of Trump’s most influential supporters over the past year. Despite calling Barack Obama the “best president we have had in our lifetime” and endorsing Bernie Sanders in 2020, he has doubled down on Trump and consistently used his platform to spread misinformation—something that Pod Save America called irresponsible in the wake of crumbling mainstream media trust. The 57-year-old has said the n-word 24 times on his podcast, along with making homophobic, transphobic and misogynistic comments. Over a thousand health professionals signed an open letter to Spotify calling for the show’s termination after Rogan spread COVID-19 misinformation that doctors deemed harmful. Rogan endorsed Trump on the eve of the 2024 presidential election.
At the United States Grand Prix, Rogan walked the paddock and pit lane, stopping by the McLaren garage for photo ops. The images, along with a video, landed on McLaren’s official Instagram and quickly ushered in a comment section of outrage. The post is no longer on the account.
Two Red Empires
The Austin paddock wasn’t the only place politics reared its head at the United States Grand Prix. In fact, most VIP guests—wearing thousand-dollar denim sets, bedazzled cowboy hats and Birkin bags—were micro-celebrities: A collection of influencers and a smattering of not obviously political A-listers. But, American fans decided to bridge the sport and state separation themselves.
Ferrari’s signature Rosso corsa red should clash when paired with a crimson hat that reads “Make America Great Again.” The former is nearly blinding, and difficult to stare directly at while painted onto a shiny car. The latter, officially known as #D8281B Maximum Red, is equally glaring. Both need no introduction.
Sitting on the lawn at the Circuit of the Americas between turns 16 and 18, a man manages to wear the two effortlessly, one resembling a fizzy Strawberry Fanta Soda while the other gleams like a fire truck. I was in Texas to report on racing, not politics, but in the Lone Star state—boasting the largest percentage of private land ownership in the country, the most registered firearms nationwide and a tightening iron grip on reproductive freedoms—it is difficult to ignore. Yet, the man sitting in front of me, oozing red pride, didn’t seem to have an effect on attendees. I blinked, taking a triple-take at the scene in front of me, and my digital camera flashed, catching the Ferrari fan’s attention. I looked down at the photo: It was a blurry splotch of red, almost like I imagined the garish display of allegiance.
They say Ferrari is a religion in Italy. Its supporters scream “Forza Ferrari” even if, and especially when, the team fails. Fans believe in The Team, The Brand—even if a Ferrari will never magically appear in their driveway in return for their devotion. The cult following lights Saint Leclerc candles and prays at the automotive company’s altar. Draw blood and it won’t match dark red bricks, but rather Rosso corsa. But few discuss how the luxury car and racing brand has influenced politics. In January, Ferrari negotiated with the country’s leadership to enhance voting rights, and in 2011, the brand’s chairman urged the Italian prime minister to resign and create a “government of national salvation.” Maximum Red, or MAGA red, seems to carry the same blind allegiance. Even after Trump was impeached and convicted, 31 states turned red on election day.
You Can’t Separate Sport and State
Trump may have visited the McLaren garage in May, but Kamala Harris didn’t leave Formula 1 out of her campaign either. Last year, Harris gushed about the sport on Late Night with Seth Meyers and in October, she discussed her love for Lewis Hamilton on The Howard Stern Show. But Stern pressed her on the issue: “You really love it [Formula 1]? It’s not a campaign thing?”
“No, God no. No. I haven’t been able to watch it a lot recently because I am campaigning,” she replied.
Whether Harris’ love for cars racing in circles was a publicity stunt or not, it made her approachable—something every politician itches to achieve. Ahead of the election, the Wall Street Journal wrote: “A Glock, Vinyl Records and Formula 1: Harris Tries to Show Her Personal Side.” One in five voters in swing states said they needed to get to know the presidential candidate on a more personal level. In the end, Trump won the battleground states.
In late May, senators urged President Joe Biden to make a formal probe into Formula 1’s rejection of an American team—congress claimed that the sport was violating antitrust laws by denying Indianapolis and Detroit-based Andretti-Cadillac a spot in the big leagues. Ensuring an American team gains a spot in Formula 1 wouldn’t necessarily change election results—Michael Andretti endorsed Republican Indiana candidates this year—but Michigan, a swing state, was predicted to go blue as auto worker unions took to the polls. Low voter turnout aided in a red wave washing over the state.
Formula 1 influencing a presidential election may seem laughable, but as The New York Times reported, something as little as a blouse, a bandaid or a handshake can sway a voter. A European racing series isn’t off the table of influence.
But why now?
Motor racing and conservative politics in America have linked arms throughout the sport’s history, like NASCAR’s fan base claiming “Let’s Go Brandon” as its slogan. But Formula 1’s success and sustained presence in the U.S. is new.
When Formula 1 left U.S. soil in 2007, it took with it the promise of racing in America. Calling Europe home, the sport couldn’t quite hack U.S. culture with its NASCAR ovals and appetite for the over-the-top. The sleek prestige that flowed through Ferrari didn’t fit an unbuttoned cowboy culture.
Back in 1982, the U.S. became the first nation to host three Formula 1 races and before the series left the nation altogether in 2007, it had tried its luck in Phoenix, Detroit, Dallas, Long Beach and Las Vegas to no avail. A 2005 race in Indianapolis was the final nail in the coffin. As 120,000 spectators lined the track, only six Formula 1 cars sprinted past. Faulty Michelin tires kept the majority of cars from racing, while the six Bridgestone-outfitted cars raced each other in a lackluster show. As fans demanded refunds, the Indianapolis Star deemed Formula 1 dead in Speed City. “F1 is the rude houseguest who never brings anything to the party and continues to wipe its muddy shoes on the new Persian rug,” it read. “Goodbye, Formula 1.”
Formula 1 returned the following two seasons but saw a slim audience. When Michael Schumacher crossed the checkered flag to secure his first U.S. win in 2000, 200,000 fans cheered him on, according to ESPN. Seven years later, that number was cut in half and Schumacher was across the globe enjoying retirement.
With little commercial success stateside—in tickets sold, reputation and television rights—the series’ future looked bleak. Formula 1 packed its bags and wouldn’t return to the U.S. for five years.
But a small Texas town outside of Austin, arid and unassuming, marked the beginning of Formula 1’s modern American Dream when it returned to the calendar in 2012. Then when Colorado-based Liberty Media bought Formula 1 in 2017, its billion-dollar stateside empire took shape. Liberty Media, one of the world’s largest media giants, is owned by Greg Maffei, a Republican who donated to Trump’s 2017 inauguration, along with Colorado Democratic candidates’ campaigns. As the European-based sport surged in the U.S., buoyed by the popular Netflix docuseries “Drive to Survive” and a growing female fan culture, Formula 1 anchored itself in the American zeitgeist. With American private equity firms, cryptocurrency start-ups and everything from streetwear brands to battery companies pouring money into the sport, politicians are the latest to capitalize on the marketing machine that is the European racing series.
And for a racing series keen to keep up an apolitical image, its fans aren’t convinced.
On Wednesday, Formula 1 fans—both international and American—took to social media to express their discontent: “This is why so many of us got upset at Trump being in Miami. Giving him any platform was dangerous. So thanks, McLaren,” typed one X (formerly Twitter) user. The post was removed after McLaren fans criticized the statement: “F1 is not popular here. I promise you Lando could walk into a grocery store here and nobody would know who he is; they didn’t vote for someone because of a GP [Grand Prix].”
In 2022, the sport’s ruling body banned political statements on track. Drivers have kept quiet during the election cycle both on and off track. Although Formula 1’s only American driver—dropped halfway through the season—did not publicly endorse a candidate, Logan Sargeant’s extended family was embroiled in Trump’s impeachment trial. And Formula 1 commentator and former racing driver Danica Patrick was outspoken in support of Trump in the months leading up to the election. The 42-year-old voted for the first time this year and spent election night celebrating with the president-elect, posting an image of the two sitting side-by-side on a private plane. “Stayed awake pretty much all night just to make sure I didn’t wake up to the left cheating again. Truth tastes so good,” Patrick wrote on X.
Patrick remains racing’s poster child for women in motorsport. But as Formula 1 increasingly targets young American women and girls, and banks on a growing fangirl economy, its “apolitical” mirage is raising more skepticism than acceptance.
A single driver, team or commentator is not responsible for Trump winning 51 percent of the vote. However, Formula 1’s insistence on racing in three red states and capturing the attention of an ever-growing politically polarized nation can’t be separated from the restrictions the sport’s new female fanbase will inevitably face in those states.
Whether Formula 1 is a marketing ploy for politicians or an actual beloved pastime, the two are more alike than different: Both attempting to construct a formula to win a marathon race plagued by cheating allegations and popularity contests. Both only care about who ends up on top.
“It was a great honor to see my friends at McLaren win the big Miami Formula 1 race. It was the car I visited before the race, and Endorsed—that’s what we need for our Country—WINNING!” Trump wrote on Instagram after grinning alongside Norris and the FIA’s president. Norris held up his finger in a “#1” while Trump’s finger pointed directly at the camera—as if speaking to Formula 1’s fanbase.